Policy

China’s dominance in manufacturing now rests on its vast talent pipelines, not just efficiency Western economies risk losing ground unless education and training systems compress time-to-competence at scale Factories of the future will be decided in classrooms as much as on shop floors

Impeachment carries an “uncertainty premium,” seen in a 14.6% drop in Korea’s FDI pledges Use impeachment as an emergency brake, not routine politics, to protect electoral mandates and stability Adopt guardrails—one-shot filings, fast voter-centered elections, judicial minimalism—and ring-fence education budgets

Education now depends on “blue territory” where subsea cables and sea lanes shape daily life Disruptions at Suez and Panama show why we need skills for ports, cables, and maritime law Embed ocean literacy, fund micro-credentials, and plan for outages

Tariffs and chip controls are forcing a pragmatic Japan–Korea thaw Ishiba and Lee, both China-leaning, hedge via Beijing while keeping U.S.

Asia’s coalition strength lies in education and knowledge, not tariffs Patent dominance shows the region’s leverage in IP and skills An education-first compact is harder to divide than a trade bloc The most decisive

‘Subliminal learning’ signals spurious shortcuts, not new pedagogy Demand negative controls, cross-lineage validation, and robustness-first training Procure only models passing the worst-case and safety gates across schools

Southeast Asia needs a maritime compact, not an Asian NATO Prioritize shared surveillance and coast-guard rules Outside partners support; ASEAN states lead

ASEAN risks tens of billions in tariff costs under new U.S.

China is softening its BRI approach in Central Asia with grants and joint ventures The key challenge is making infrastructure projects financially self-sustaining Only profitable corridors can secure lasting partnerships and stability

This article is based on ideas originally published by VoxEU – Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) and has been independently rewritten and extended by The Economy editorial team. While inspired by the original analysis, the content presented here reflects a broader interpretation and additional commentary. The views expressed do not necessarily represent those of VoxEU or CEPR.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.

This article is based on ideas originally published by VoxEU – Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) and has been independently rewritten and extended by The Economy editorial team. While inspired by the original analysis, the content presented here reflects a broader interpretation and additional commentary. The views expressed do not necessarily represent those of VoxEU or CEPR.

This article was independently developed by The Economy editorial team and draws on original analysis published by East Asia Forum. The content has been substantially rewritten, expanded, and reframed for broader context and relevance. All views expressed are solely those of the author and do not represent the official position of East Asia Forum or its contributors.